Many lessons can be learned from the recent subprime crisis.
Those lessons have not been systematically addressed, perhaps because
everyone has been busy with ‘fighting the fire’. This is not a normal
crisis period, and hence, no normal post-crisis recovery was expected.
The financial wizards seem to remain overly optimistic that the crisis
will be followed by a normal economic recovery so that life can get
back to normalcy. There was huge economic imbalances built up in the
1990s and early 2000s, all financed by massive debt in the developed
world. The advent of financial derivatives, thanks to the deregulation,
had only made these imbalances, making crisis more complicated.
To unwind these imbalances from the web of complicated financial
instruments spread throughout the world will take a long time. The
loss of public confidence only adds difficulties to finding a solution.
There are also significant implications of the crisis on the regulatory,
macroeconomic and financial fronts in the post-crisis era. In this
book, the author has drawn parallels between financial crisis of Asian
emerging countries and developed countries of European Union and
the USA. Though the analysis is China-centric, some sporadic focus
on other emerging Asian countries to draw lessons from the crisis.
It is properly mentioned in the book that, the epicenter of the crisis
has changed from Asia (Asian Financial Crisis of 1997) to Europe
and the USA. The buzzwords have also changed, from currency pegs,
excessive corporate borrowing and foreign debt in the Asian crisis to
securitization, subprime mortgages, and collateral debt obligations in
the subprime crisis. However, it is properly clarified that the causes and
symptoms of the subprime crisis are quite similar to those of the Asian
crisis. So to say that the subprime crisis is an unexpected shock is a
denial of human mistakes - greed is prevalent in both the subprime and
Asian crises. Before the Asian crisis, massive foreign capital inflows to
the region significantly boosted bank lending and corporate borrowing.
Foreign investors were attracted by Asia’s high-yield securities in the
blind faith that the regional currency pegs would hold forever and robust economic growth would support Asian Corporates’ payment
ability forever. Similarly, massive capital inflows flooded the USA and
financed its huge current account deficit, fuelling excessive demand for
credit and mortgage loans. The latter were repackaged into mortgagebacked
securities and other credit derivatives like collateralized debt
obligations (CDOs). Investors outside the USA were attracted by
the high yields of these structured products in the blind faith that the
underlying parties had AAA credit ratings. Imprudence follows greed.
Ten years ago, the Asians indulged in imprudent lending to corporates
based on relationship to mega projects and property development of
dubious nature. Due diligence and commercial viability were totally
ignored. In the subprime crisis, imprudence is seen in the proliferation
of subprime mortgage loans and the so called ninja loans (no income,
no jobs and no assets for backing).
Seed of the Subprime Crisis
The book has appropriately diagnosed the subprime crisis. It
has mentioned that the global major central banks, such as, the US
Federal Reserve, the Bank of England and the European Central
Bank (ECB) in particular, had run an overly loose monetary policy
in a dynamic, entrepreneurial, globalised and capitalist system, and
ended up turning the original good economic policy intension into the
seed of another shocking crisis. But that did not mean that capitalism
had failed. Rather, the subprime crisis was a result of regulatory
failure in the capitalist system.
The US monetary policy was not the only problem. The creation
of the Euro zone in 1999, which centralized monetary policies of the
member countries into ECB, also played a crucial role in creating
the global credit bubble. Monetary union eliminates currency risk but
not credit risk. With only one currency, the Euro, and one monetary
policy, credit spreads in some Euroland countries should have
risen to reflect their underlying risks. But the ECB, in an attempt
to ensure stability in the early days of the Euro, had kept an overly
loose monetary policy for a long time. Thus, asset bubbles, fuelled by easy credit, emerged especially in the peripheral, smaller Euroland
countries, such as, Ireland, Spain, Greece and Portugal.
Contesting Factors
The book has contested that the current subprime crisis is a
‘black swan’ event. The term black swan comes from the ancient
western concept that all swans are white. In that context, a black
swan was a metaphor for something that could not exist. Ever since
black swans were discovered in Australia in the seventeenth century,
the term black swan has been used to connote the actual happening of
a highly unlikely event with unprecedented and devastating effects.
The subprime crisis itself is not a black swan event, though the
resultant credit crunch and confidence crisis may qualify. This is
because all the events and factors leading up to the current crisis were
known. From a macro perspective, the Asian crisis and the subprime
debacle have similarities in their causes and symptoms - namely
a prolonged period of low interest rates leading to moral hazard,
imprudent lending, regulatory oversight, excessive investment, and
asset bubble. But the advent of financial derivatives has made today’s
subprime crisis more complicated.
The deepening of the US subprime crisis after September 2008,
despite the Fed’s repeated massive liquidity injection, shows that
the markets had failed to clear on their own and the global financial
system had stalled. There would be two possible outcomes of the
crisis - either a global financial meltdown or a full-scale government
bailout. History and the Government actions suggest the latter. There
is a conflict of interest problem, which often takes the form of a
principal-agent problem. In the Asian financial crisis, bank managers
just ignored shareholders and public interest and lent indiscriminately
to companies and projects under political or influential business
pressure. In the US subprime crisis, investors in mortgage based
securities (MBS) and CDOs expected mortgage lenders and banks
to keep their credit standards. But in the ‘originate and distribute’
model, in which the mortgage lenders and banks originate the loans
and sell them off at once, they had little incentive to scrutinize and keep the credit standards. Typically, mortgage lenders made the loans
and at once sold them off to banks. The banks, in turn, securitized
them and sold them off to investors throughout the world. The banks
aimed at maximizing only their fee income from securitization but
not the interest income from the loans. So they had the incentive to
securitize and push the products off their books as soon as possible.
Credit standards dropped sharply in the process, and no-one had any
clues about the ultimate ownership of the underlying loans. So, when
the US housing bubble burst, defaults surged, setting off a domino
effect on the mortgage derivative instruments and shattering public
confidence in the banking system as a whole.
Hence, those who argue that the subprime crisis was a black swan
event are either naive or in denial. Despite numerous analyses of the
subprime crisis, its causes and impact are still misread in many cases,
especially from the Asian perspective. As the subprime-induced credit
crunch pulled down asset prices indiscriminately, what was at first a
liquidity crisis soon turned into a solvency crisis for individual banks,
prompting the global authorities to employ radical measures such as
partial bank nationalization, troubled-asset purchases and other forms
of direct market interventions to contain the credit quake or financial
tsunami, as it is called in Asia. Asia’s policy response has remained
relatively calm in this subprime debacle because it has learnt good
lessons from the 1997-98 Asian financial crisis.
Subprime Generalised
The word ‘subprime’ in relation to mortgages in the USA generally
refers to those mortgages targeted at borrowers with impaired or low
credit ratings and low income level who may find it difficult to obtain
finance through traditional sources, such as, prime mortgages and
Alt-A. Subprime borrowers have the highest perceived default risk,
as compared with Prime and Alt-A borrowers. In essence, subprime
borrowers are those who have a history of loan delinquency or default,
those with a record of bankruptcy, and those with low income levels
relative to their mortgage payment ability.
The US subprime crisis was quickly transmitted to Europe, as the
European banks were some of the largest holders of the US mortgagerelated
derivative instruments. During the good times, they loaded
up the MBS and CDOs with cheap US dollar funding. But when the
sub-prime crisis broke, US$ funding sources of all sorts, including
money market funds, bank depositors and other investors, withdrew
cash en masse. European banks soon found their funding increasingly
difficult and expensive to replace. When the credit market eventually
seized up after the failure of Lehman Brothers in September 2008, the
domino effect was quickly felt in Europe, pulling down big banks like
Fortis and HBOS and forcing them into government hands for rescue.
When the financial contagion hit Asia, it wreaked havoc in the
regional financial and currency markets, even though the regional
banks had very limited exposure to the sub-prime toxic assets.
However, the overall impact on the regional financial system was
relatively small. Asia’s strong fundamentals, including large current
account surpluses, huge foreign reserves, low foreign debts and
high savings rates, have helped shield its financial systems from the
financial tsunami. However, the region’s heavy reliance on export
growth has significantly pushed its economies deep into recession
as global demand contracts under the weight of the post-bubble
adjustment in the developed world.
While Asian growth experienced a V-shaped rebound a year
after the Asian crisis of 1997-98, thanks to its young and vibrant
economic structure and a quick return of confidence, don’t bet on the
same happening in Europe and the USA. Even if the US Troubled
Asset Relief Programme (TARP) manages to turn confidence around
and the European authorities finally wake up to reality and join in a
concerted bailout effort, history shows that the post-bubble adjustment
in developed economies will take a long time. Thus, to correct their
mistakes, banks will have to become more boring, generating less profit
from fancy financial engineering, and more heavily regulated relative
to the past two decades. Granted, restrictions will hurt economic
opportunities and profitability in the next economic upswing, but it will be a small price to pay for greater protection from another,
perhaps bigger, banking crisis in the future.
The correct message from these failures should be that Asia
should ensure that any move away from traditional banking practices
towards more innovative techniques is accompanied by enhanced risk
management. It will be extremely unfortunate if the wrong message
gets out and delays or even deters further financial liberalization in
the developing world. Asian regulators should take the subprime
crisis lesson seriously to improve their regulatory systems. As Asian
financial markets expand into new terrain, policymakers should put in
place measures to deal with risks posed by financial innovation, but
should not shy away from financial liberalization or suppress financial
innovation.
Bailout Approaches Converged
Before October 2008, there was no coordination between all
the subprime crisis countries. They had only taken ad hoc steps to
stem the crisis. Central banks had cut interest rates, governments
had acted to strip toxic assets off bank balance sheets and regulators
had injected capital into the banking sector. These moves were
country-by-country solutions and had no broad coordination between
governments, despite the fact that the global financial system was
linked. No wonder they had failed to calm the markets and prevent
the crisis from deepening.
Asia does not have a financial crisis, despite the global impact
of the financial tsunami stemming from the western world. This is
mainly because the Asian banking systems, except Korea, have deleveraged
since the aftermath of the Asian crisis. This is in sharp
contrast to the over-leveraging of the US and European systems,
which sowed the seed for the subprime crisis. This difference in the
banking system fundamentals between the east and the west is best
summarized by the loan-to-deposit ratio. Since the Asian crisis, Asian
banks, except Korea, have de-leveraged significantly, while their
western counterparts have indulged in lending.
The Painful Lessons
Despite all these micro, macro and unconventional measures
taken by the global authorities to tackle the global credit crisis, the
root problem has yet to be dealt with effectively. That is because what
the western policymakers have done is to sustain household leverage
and consumption at any price, when the only exit from the ‘credit
quack’ involved a return to thrift by the over-leveraged.
The book is properly timed and appropriately mentioned that the
subprime crisis was rooted in the irresponsible social behaviour of the
USA and most of the developed world in the past two decades, which
prioritized the desire for current consumption over the ability to pay for
it. Financial engineering and deregulation had encouraged borrowing
and discouraged thrift to finance excess spending via a gigantic credit
bubble. That, in turn, led to huge global economic imbalances and
distortions. This root cause explains why it is so difficult to solve the
crisis. Desperate to preserve the value of asset prices inflated by this
huge liquidity bubble, western policymakers have avoided the painful
solution of allowing market clearing. The bailout programs, liquidity
injections and fiscal stimulus packages are all meant to sustain asset
prices, when these asset prices really need to fall to market levels so
that they can be cleared.
Narayan Chandra Pradhan*
* Narayan Chandra Pradhan is Research Officer, Department of Economic Analysis
and Policy, Reserve Bank of India. |